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. . I remember with shame how often I failed to correct those who said I was heroic and prophetic in leading anti-war demonstrations and going to jail. But we were not heroes, never mind prophets. It did not take much courage to protest the Vietnam War. We said that nothing could be worse than the war itself. We were wrong. By any honest measure of injustice and suffering, what followed — the river of blood and mounds of corpses, the re-education camps and the killing fields of Cambodia, the thousands of boat people at the bottom of the China Sea or languishing in refugee hovels to this day — was worse than what went before. Much worse. I do not say we were wrong to oppose the war. But my opposition was tempered by my brothers, both of whom served in Vietnam. And it was tempered by the young black men of Brooklyn (where I was engaged in the civil- rights movement) who fought there, some of whom died there, who I was not prepared to say had died in vain or in support of an evil cause. A large part of a generation thinks it earned its moral credentials in the anti-war movement but we were neither so right nor so righteous as we thought we were. --Richard John Neuhaus (1936— ) Canadian Catholic priest and writer. - - Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism. So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. [...] Because let us understand: North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that. --Richard Nixon (1913—1994) American Republican statesman, President [1969—1974]. Broadcast [3 November 1969]. & see: If, when the chips are down, the world's most powerful nation, the United States of America, acts like a pitiful, helpless giant, the forces of totalitarianism and anarchy will threaten free nations and free institutions throughout the world. --Richard Nixon (1913—1994) American Republican statesman, President [1969—1974]. Television speech announcing offensive into Cambodia [30 April 1970]. - I've gone to Canada for readings and met people who left the country during the war. A lot of these guys are embarrassed by it. They're asking the question today that they asked back then — did I do this because I was opposed to the war or because I didn't want to die? Was it cowardice or conscience? And that plagues all of us — those who went to Vietnam and those who went to Canada and those who just got out of it through legal means. It plagues everyone because no one wants to die, even in a right war. But there were a lot of us in Vietnam who didn't want to be there and many of us didn't have the courage to do what the resisters did. It took a lot of courage to cross the border and leave behind your family and your hometown and your girlfriend. What looked like an act of cowardice to the Reagan- Dole Republicans took a lot more courage than I had. Even though I was opposed to the war, I still couldn't find the courage to walk away. When I was at Fort Lewis before going to Vietnam I planned to go to Vancouver. I came as close as you can come without actually doing it. I ended up going to Vietnam just to protect my reputation and sense of self-esteem, but the guys who went to Canada somehow were able to find the moral courage to make a choice they knew was gonna dog them the rest of their lives. --Tim O' Brien (Quoted in Christian G. Appy's _Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered From All Sides_ [2003], Part 6, "Taps") - - If you are able, save them a place inside of you and save one backward glance when you are leaving for the places they can no longer go. Be not ashamed to say you loved them, though you may or may not have always. Take what they have left and what they have taught you with their dying and keep it with your own. And in that time when men decide and feel safe to call the war insane, take one moment to embrace those gentle heroes you left behind. --Major Michael Davis O'Donnell 1 January 1970, Dak To, Vietnam. Declared MIA 24 March 1970. Listed as KIA 7 February 1978. - Like many men of my generation, I had an opportunity to give war a chance, and I promptly chickened out. I went to my draft physical in 1970 with a doctor's letter about my history of drug abuse. The letter was four and a half pages long with three and a half pages devoted to listing the drugs I'd abused. I was shunted into the office of an Army psychiatrist who, at the end of a forty-five-minute interview with me, was pounding his desk and shouting, "You're f**ked up! You don't belong in the Army!" He was certainly right on the first count and possibly right on the second. Anyway, I didn't have to go. But that, of course, meant someone else had to go in my place. I would like to dedicate this book [Give War A Chance, 1992] to him. I hope you got back in one piece, fellow. I hope you were more use to your platoon mates than I would have been. I hope you're rich and happy now. And in 1971, when somebody punched me in the face for being a long-haired peace creep, I hope that was you. --P.J. O'Rourke (1947— ) American political satirist. The right to vote is a consequence, not a primary cause, of a free social system — and its value depends on the constitutional structure implementing and strictly delimiting the voters' power; unlimited majority rule is an instance of the principle of tyranny. Outside the context of a free society, who would want to die for the right to vote? Yet that is what the American soldiers were asked to die for — not even for their own vote, but to secure that privilege for the South Vietnamese, who had no other rights and no knowledge of rights or freedom. --Ayn Rand (1905—1982) Russian-born American writer. In _The Voice of Reason: Essays in Objectivist Thought_ The Ayn Rand Library, Volume V, [1989], pt. 2, ch. 14. We should declare war on North Vietnam...we could pave the whole country and put parking strips on it, and still be home for Christmas. --Ronald Reagan (1911—2004) American President [1981—1989] and former Hollywood actor. Quoted in "Fresno Bee" [10 October 1965]. - 'Still photographs are the most powerful weapon in the world,' AP photojournalist Eddie Adams once wrote. A fitting quote for Adams, because his 1968 photograph of an officer shooting a handcuffed prisoner in the head at point-blank range not only earned him a Pulitzer Prize in 1969, but also went a long way toward souring Americans' attitudes about the Vietnam War. For all the image's political impact, though, the situation wasn't as black-and-white as it's rendered. What Adams' photograph doesn't reveal is that the man being shot was the captain of a Vietcong "revenge squad" that had executed dozens of unarmed civilians earlier the same day. Regardless, it instantly became an icon of the war's savagery and made the official pulling the trigger — General Nguyen Ngoc Loan — its iconic villain. Sadly, the photograph's legacy would haunt Loan for the rest of his life. Following the war, he was reviled wherever he went. After an Australian VA hospital refused to treat him, he was transferred to the United States, where he was met with a massive (though unsuccessful) campaign to deport him. He eventually settled in Virginia and opened a restaurant but was forced to close it down as soon as his past caught up with him. Vandals scrawled 'We know who you are' on his walls, and business dried up. Adams felt so bad for Loan that he apologized for having taken the photo at all, admitting, 'The general killed the Vietcong; I killed the general with my camera.' --Ransom Riggs _Mental Floss Magazine_ [Jan/Feb 2007], "13 Photographs That Changed The World: #4: The Photograph That Ended A War But Ruined A Life" - Hindsight tempts those us who live in the last decade of the twentieth century to wonder if perhaps the United States, the one power in 1945 which counted, could not have come to the aid of the then more nationalist than communist Ho Chi Minh, seized the flood, told the French to stay home, and perhaps prevented much of the misery of the next three decades in Vietnam. --Dan Roberts _A Moment in Time_, Vol. 3 - Mornings I wake up early, way before the rest of the family. When we are on the road, which is most of the time now, my wife, Brenda, and I sleep in the master bedroom at the back of our Blue Bird bus. It's a big one, the kind entertainers travel in. About sunrise I awaken to find myself beside Brenda, everything much as it always is, but I always feel an element of pleasant surprise in her presence. After being severely wounded in Vietnam, one of the hardest things for me to accept was the depth of my lady's fidelity. I often pull her to me in those first few moments of the new day. The warmth of her presence, the form and features of her being and the reality of our surviving relationship comforts my soul. I linger beside her, grateful that the recurrent nightmare I used to have never came true. In that dream I would come home to find the place empty, the loneliness growing into desolation. I would awake from that nightmare nauseated with anxiety and pull Brenda to me, desperate for consolation, as I do this day. I linger for another moment because the worst of the day is about to come. Then I rise and pad into the bathroom. What I see in the mirror is the result of having been burned nearly to death. It isn't pretty. The right side of my face, my throat, and my chest down to the waistline have that streaked and melted look of skin grafts. My right eye is taped shut because the eyelid doesn't close naturally; so I have to tape it down at night, and frequently wipe it during the day, as it waters. I do not have a right ear. I am bald — this from the burns and simple aging. I pray for strength in everything else, but I do not pray for any grace that would block out the knowledge that comes from this daily confrontation with my grotesque image. This is the one thing I require of myself. I take responsibility for putting on the cosmetic appliances that allow me to go about in the world without causing so much head turning; although, of course, there will always be far more of that than I would like. I untape my eye. I don my hair piece — a single one now which is superior to the two complementary ones I used to wear. I put on the plastic ear with fingers that refuse to straighten. As I do, my thoughts often trace the borderline between the will to live and despair. Sometimes I feel as though the real me has died; that's how much I long to reject my image as it appears to the world. Yet I do not pray for strength at this moment precisely because, in a sense, the person I used to be has died. My crewmates in Vietnam thought I had died and divided up the spoils of what I had left on this earth. My commanding officer wrote a letter to Brenda and my parents telling them of my death. But I have come back from the dead. And a man who comes back from the dead has a story to tell. --Dave Roever (1946— ) _Welcome Home, Davey_ [1986], Ch. 1 The auditorium was nearly full so I decided that Brenda and I would sit in the top balcony where I could be out of sight and not endure the stares of people not used to seeing a man with one eye, one ear, and one nostril. We sat in the back row of the third balcony, but the place eventually filled completely and late arrivals ended up filling every chair around me. As they stared with curiosity, I wanted to just scream "If you only knew!" The speakers were spectacular. One by one they challenged, convicted, and inspired me. They gave me what I had come there for; wonderful reasons to live. When all the speakers had finished, closing remarks were provided by a man who would totally revolutionize my life. His name was Colonel Robinson Risner and he had been the highest ranking prisoner of war in the Hanoi Hilton. He shuffled out to center stage, hardly lifting his feet from the floor, fresh out of a rat-infested hell hole. Colonel Risner talked about being a prisoner of war. He spoke of his ordeals and those of other POWs — the beatings, isolation, and mental games played on them by their captors. In vivid detail he described how they tied ropes around his shoulders, connected them behind his back, and inserted a stick which they twisted. I listened as he described the unspeakable pain of being torn asunder as his chest ripped open. I felt a tugging on my coat. I looked and realized I was standing. "Sit down, baby." Brenda pleaded. "I can't sit down. There's an officer on deck and, anyway, I don't sit in the presence of heros. I stand for them." She realized it was useless. I stood with tears running down my cheek. I looked at him with my one good eye and felt his pain. I declared, "I'm going down to meet this man." "Honey, you can't get through this crowd." "A man with one eye, one ear, and one nostril can get through any crowd." I took off down the stairwell to the congested crowd below. It was obvious that my coming arrival was heralded among the throng of people because they began to separate right down the middle. I felt like Moses parting the Red Sea. They departed hither and thither and I walked through. I could hear people murmuring, making little remarks about my appearance. I didn't care, I had one thing on my mind. I just wanted to meet Robbie and thank him. When I arrived at the platform I realized it was ten feet tall. I ran to both ends looking for stairs. I finally found a way up, but there was a large purple felt rope hanging across the stairs. With golden hooks on both ends and suspended on golden stands, this regal barrier had a small plaque on it which read, "None Shall Pass." I thought about it for a moment. My mind raced back in time. It had been a long trek from Vietnam where I was sent almost two years earlier. I ran up and down leech-infested rivers in a high- speed boat knowing that river boat gunners had a price tag on their heads. I had been shot at, then actually shot, blown to pieces by a hand grenade, and taken to an Army hospital. (For a Navy sailor, being a patient in an army hospital can be dangerous! Chances of survival were 50-50 if nothing had happened to me!) I survived 14 months in a hospital, 13 major operations, drove 1,200 miles, and worked my way through 15,000 people only to stand in front of this little barrier telling me, "None Shall Pass." I thought to myself, "One shall pass!" I picked up the rope, disengaged it from the stand, threw it to the floor, and marched up the stairs. I was instantly confronted by people wearing badges on their lapels saying "Staff." . . . I passed between them as they stood with their mouths open. I guess the sight was more than they could handled. I worked my way through another crowd clustered around the colonel. Suddenly he looked up and our eyes met. People stood back as we faced each other. Spontaneous silence filled the auditorium. He spoke first. "Vietnam?" he asked, pointing at my face. "Yes sir." "Son, I'm sorry." His words sent a hot flash through my skin. Embarrassed at his pity, I fired back, "Colonel, sir, I did not come here to get your pity." Then with my crippled hand, with only one finger that would extend, I snapped him a salute and said, "Sir, I have come to thank you. I've come to thank you for what you did for me in Vietnam and for the pain you have known in serving this great country." He reached over and took my hand into his. This seasoned veteran of Korea and Vietnam, this ace of a pilot, this man among men, had a tear in his eye. He tugged on my paralyzed fingers, looked in my good eye, and without blinking, asked, "Young man, when you've suffered for American, don't you love her so much more?" Even as he spoke the words, they were burning into my soul. And, there written on the table of my heart, they remain today. I said, "Yes, sir, colonel, I do love her so much more." It was then I realized why some people can burn an American flag, even in the guise of freedom of speech. (Exercising that "liberty" is only possible because of those who laid down their lives to preserve what that flag stands for, including the right to burn it.) It's easy to destroy what you have not burned for. It's easy to burn what you have not bled for, but when you've suffered for something, you love it so much more! --Dave Roever (1946- ) _Scarred_ [1995], "Preface" An air of bitterness lingered heavily for several days after the incident at Tu Tua. Reports of enemy movement seemed to pick up dramatically. In July 1969, after the Tet Offensive, the enemy made considerable advances. I've heard from the communists themselves that they really felt as if they had lost the war in 1968. I remember watching a BBC documentary while I was in England in which a North Vietnamese general said, "We lost the war in 1968 to the Americans. The Tet Offensive crushed us. But when we saw the antiwar demonstrations in America and the American youth in rebellion, we took new heart and began to fight again. The whole war turned in our favor." --Dave Roever (1946- ) _Welcome Home, Davey_ [1986], Ch. 11 - What gave great encouragement to Ho Chi Minh and his people were the traitors like [actress] Jane Fonda and [former Attorney General] Ramsey Clark and [antiwar activist] Tom Hayden who went over there and said, "Just hold on, hold on. We're winning it at home. We're destroying the morale of the people at home." And they did. The antiwar movement was an essential part of the Communist strategy to destroy American morale. --John Singlaub (Quoted in Christian G. Appy's _Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered From All Sides_ [2003], Part 2, "Paradise Island" - ... However, the most cruel mistake occurred with the failure to understand the Vietnam war. Some people sincerely wanted all wars to stop just as soon as possible; others believed that there should be room for national, or communist, self-determination in Vietnam, or in Cambodia, as we see today with particular clarity. But members of the U.S. antiwar movement wound up being involved in the betrayal of Far Eastern nations, in a genocide and in the suffering today imposed on 30 million people there. Do those convinced pacifists hear the moans coming from there? Do they understand their responsibility today? Or do they prefer not to hear? The American Intelligentsia lost its [nerve] and as a consequence thereof danger has come much closer to the United States. But there is no awareness of this. Your shortsighted politicians who signed the hasty Vietnam capitulation seemingly gave America a carefree breathing pause; however, a hundredfold Vietnam now looms over you. That small Vietnam had been a warning and an occasion to mobilize the nation's courage. But if a full-fledged America suffered a real defeat from a small communist half-country, how can the West hope to stand firm in the future? --Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1918—2008) Russian novelist. Speech at Harvard University [1978]. President Johnson was advised by the Joint Chiefs to strike guerrilla sanctuaries in the North. He hesitated, in no small part because of a bit of a cautionary word on fighting in Asia that he once received from a surprising source. As the President tells it, when he visited the late General Douglas MacArthur at Walter Reed Hospital for the last time, the two got to talking about the Far East. Said MacArthur: "Son, don't ever get yourself bogged down in a land war in Asia." --"Foreign Relations: A Look Down That Long Road," _Time_ [19 February 1965] - We were elated when Jane Fonda, wearing a red Vietnamese dress, said at a press conference that she was ashamed of American actions in the war, and that she would struggle along with us. --Bui Tin, Colonel, People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) Our losses were staggering and a complete surprise. Giap later told me that Tet had been a military defeat, though we had gained the planned political advantages when Johnson agreed to negotiate and did not run for re-election. The second and third waves in May and September were, in retrospect, mistakes. Our forces in the South were nearly wiped out by all the fighting in 1968. It took us until 1971 to re-establish our presence, but we had to use North Vietnamese troops as local guerrillas. If the American forces had not begun to withdraw under Nixon in 1969, they could have punished us severely. We suffered badly in 1969 and 1970 as it was. --Bui Tin, Colonel, who served on the general staff of North Vietnam's army, received the unconditional surrender of South Vietnam on April 30, 1975. Interview of Bui Tin conducted by Stephen Young "How North Vietnam Won the War," Wall Street Journal, August 3, 1995. - - Remembrance of Vietnam is not on the wane; it is on the ascendancy. The number of visitors to the Memorial keeps growing. There are many excellent web sites on the Internet, television documentaries, and many outstanding books, some of which we are fortunate to quote here. Some of the Internet sites publish letters, poems, and essays written in tribute to Vietnam veterans. On one — www.thewall-usa.com, Racheline Maltese had this to say after a visit to the Memorial: "I am only 21. I do not remember the war when it was happening. I did not learn about it in school. To see these men and women with their shirts and flags shakes me. Seeing the things people have left here shakes me. A picture of Jimi Hendrix, a bottle of Seagrams 7, a pack of cigarettes have reduced me to tears. "I wonder if you [the inscribed veterans] watch us. If you'd like to say 'thank you' for these gifts. I wonder if we mourn for you or for ourselves." --Lamar Underwood _The Quotable Soldier_ [2000], "'Nam: Words From Beyond The Wall" - - It is not the policy of this GOVT to assist the French to re-establish their control over Indochina by force and the willingness of the USA to see French control re-established assumed that French claim to have the support of the population of Indochina is borne out by future events. --U.S. government statement [Oct. 1945]; The Pentagon Papers v. 1 [1971] p.17, in M.J. Cohan and John Major {eds.} _History in Quotations_ [2004] p. 879. Cohan & Major point out: The leader of the Vietnamese nationalist movement, Ho Chi Minh, was a communist, but at this stage anti- colonialism prevailed over anti-communism as a determinant of U.S. policy. & see: The French through their folly ... have left us with two ghastly courses of action: 1. To wash our hands of the country [Vietnam] and allow the communists to overrun it. 2. To continue to pour treasure (and perhaps eventually lives) into a hopeless cause. --Charlton Ogburn Jr (1911-1998) to Dean Rusk [18 August 1950]. in M.J. Cohan and John Major {eds.} _History in Quotations_ [2004] p. 879. Cohan & Major explain: Simultaneously with his pledge to defend South Korea in June 1950, President Truman committed the United States to enhance its support for the French in their war with the communist-led nationalists in Vietnam. Option 2 was followed from 1950 to 1973; Option I in 1975. - - [Saigon, late 1964] I am standing at the reception desk when an American businessman arrives after a long flight from New York. It has taken more than twenty-four hours. He is tired and jet lagged, and he wants nothing more than a room, a shower, and a long sleep. My name is ...," he offers his name in a peremtory tone to the receptionist, "and you have a reservation for me." The hotel employee looks down his list in vain. "I am sorry," he says. "We don't have a reservation for you." The American grows concerned, decent hotel rooms in Saigon are hard to find. "Yes, you have my reservation, just look again," he insists and spells out his name. Again, the Vietnamese receptionist says he is sorry, but there is no reservation. The fatigue of jet lag begins to slide into open irritation as the American insists that his office in New York had confirmed the reservation and that is that. The receptionist begins to dig in and takes a defensive position behind an impassive facial facade and icy demeanor. I listen as the conversation escalates. "You have my reservation!" "No, we do not!" "Yes, you do!" "No, we do not!" Finally, the American gives in and asks plaintively, "Well, what am I going to do? I need a room." "Oh, you need a room?" the receptionist replies quickly. "We have a room available." The American's mounting anger gives way to bafflement mixed with irritation. "Why are we having this argument? Why didn't you give me the room in the first place?" "But you didn't ask me for a room," the receptionist replies with what he considers to be immaculate logic. "You said we had your reservation. We don't have your reservation. But if you want a room, you've got a room. Here, fill out this form." If an epitaph is ever written for the American-Vietnamese effort to work and prevail together, it might read, "Here lies the result of a tragic misunderstanding!" --Garrick Utley (b. 1939) American TV journalist. _You Should Have Been Here Yesterday_, ch. 14 [2000] - - [We were] in one [Vietnamese] valley, called the Que Son Valley, two miles wide and ten, twelve miles long. We cleaned out every living thing in that valley — people and animals — and destroyed everything else. We just rounded them all up — four to five hundred people — and started moving them eleven klicks [kilometers] to some type of camp. All their animals was killed. Then we made the valley a free-fire zone. After we cleaned it out, anything you saw was a legitimate target. Two days later, half the people were right back in it. They went back to nothing because we burned and destroyed everything. They had to be some good people to withstand all that. They come right back to nothing and start over. Go out and get some thatch or find some that wasn't burnt, tie it together with a couple branches over some poles, and sit up under it with their little beat-up aluminum pots. That's some of the most determined people I've ever run into. I don't hate them. They did what they had to do. It's the politicians that put everybody in that place. Although I would like to get a hold of the one that set the booby trap. [Laughs] . . . . I don't have much bitterness. Well, I don't think I do. I just wish that none of it ever happened — for everyone's sake. It was a bad political mistake. --George Watkins (A Vietnam vet who lost both legs and both eyes after stepping on a land mine while in Quang Tri Province in April 1968. Quoted in Christian G. Appy's _Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered From All Sides_ [2003], Part 1, "Paying the Price") - - Press and television have created an aura not of victory but of defeat, which, coupled with the vocal antiwar elements, profoundly influenced timid officials in Washington. It was like two boxers in a ring, one having the other on the ropes, close to a knock-out, when the apparent winner's second inexplicably throws in the towel. --William Westmoreland (1914—2005) American soldier. _A Soldier Reports_ [1976] We met the enemy and he was us. --William Westmoreland (1914—2005) American soldier. Quoted in _Rolling Stone_ [20 April 1978]. Vietnam was the first war ever fought without any censorship. Without censorship, things can get terribly confused in the public mind. --William Westmoreland (1914—2005) American soldier. Quoted in "Washington Post" [19 March 1982]. - - I asked, 'What will happen to Vietnam?' 'I hope for a miracle to save us,' he said. 'Otherwise the Viet Cong will get stronger. Will the Americans go home? Maybe they'll let their own soldiers fight. But how could they do better in the swamps and the jungles than the French?' --Peter T. White, questioning his friend "Dinh" in the October 1961 issue of _National Geographic_, "South Viet Nam Fights the Red Tide". - The corner has definitely been turned toward victory in Vietnam. --Defense Department announcement [May 1963]. - Twenty-nine years after the end of the Vietnam war, communist military mastermind General Vo Nguyen Giap remains grateful to the Americans who opposed it. [...] "I would like to thank them," the 93-year-old veteran said on Friday of those Americans who opposed the war. --"Vietnam's Hero Still Grateful to Anti-War Americans" [April 2004] - The misreporting, along with Communist and North Vietnamese agents in the United States, led to demonstrations in the streets by Americans in protest of the war. Gen. Giap later wrote in his book, that the news media reporting and the demonstrations in America surprised them. Instead of seeking a conditional surrender, they would now hold out because America's resolve was weakening and the possibility of victory could be theirs. http://www.1stcavmedic.com/tet_offensive_of_1968.htm - A Ho Chi Minh City museum that honors Vietnam war protesters features a photograph of Sen. John Kerry being greeted by the general secretary of the Communist Party, Comrade Do Muoi. [...] Epstein said the display photograph's "unquestionable significance lies in its placement in the American protesters' section of the War Crimes Museum" in Ho Chi Minh City, the former Saigon. "The Vietnamese communists clearly recognize John Kerry's contributions to their victory," he said. "This find can be compared to the discovery of a painting of Neville Chamberlain hanging in a place of honor in Hitler's Eagle's Nest in 1945." --"Kerry honored at communist museum" end page | UGLY - UNICORNS | UNHAPPINESS | UNIONS - USELESS | VACATION - VEGETABLES | VENICE - VICTORY | VIGILANCE - VIRGINITY | VIRTUE - VULGARITY | WAGES - WAR & PEACE | WAR (THE CIVIL) - WAR (THE REVOLUTIONARY) | WAR (THOUGHTS ABOUT) - PAGE 1 (A-M) | WAR (THOUGHTS ABOUT) - PAGE 2 (N-Z) | WAR (VIETNAM - PAGE 1 A-M) | WAR (VIETNAM - PAGE 2 N-Z) | WAR (WORLD WAR I) | WAR (WORLD WAR II) PAGE 1 (A-M) | WAR (WORLD WAR II) PAGE 2 (N-Z) | WASHINGTON (D.C.) - WEAK/WEAKNESS | WEALTH - WEASELS | WEATHER - WELLS (H.G.) | WEST (THE OLD/WILD) - WILDE (OSCAR) | WILL - WINNING | WINTER - WISDOM | WISHING - WIVES | WOMEN - WOMEN'S LIB | WOMEN'S RIGHTS - WORDS | WORK - WORLD | WORLD TRADE CENTER & PENTAGON DISASTER, 11 SEPTEMB | WORRY - WRONG | WRITING | YESTERDAY - ZOOS | | R | S | T | U - END | | Return Home | The Credits | The Cast | Act 1 | Act 2 | Act 3 | The Reviews | |
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