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IMMIGRATION --- IMMORALITY

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IMMIGRATION

see: "THE HUMAN RACE" for related links


[Of German immigrants:]
If they cannot accommodate themselves to the
character, moral, political, and physical, of this
country, the Atlantic is always open to them to
return to the land of their nativity and their fathers.
To one thing they must make up their minds; or,
they be disappointed in every expectation of
happiness as Americans. They must cast off the
European skin, never to resume it. They must look
forward to their posterity rather than backward to
their ancestors.
--John Quincy Adams (1767—1848)
6th President of the United States.
Letter to M. Maurice de Furstenwaerter [4 June 1819].

^

Carol II (1893—1953)
King of Romania [1930—1940]

While in exile, King Carol told his friend, the
British diplomat Sir Robert Bruce Lockhart,
that during his reign he had selected fourteen
of the brightest Rumanians for special training
in the government service. He sent seven to
England, and seven to the United States, to
study their political and economic systems.
'The seven who went to England were very
smart—they all achieved great success in the
government in Bucharest,' said Carol.

'What about the seven you sent to the States,'
asked Lockhart.

'They were even smarter,' said the king. They
stayed there.'

--_Bartlett's Book of Anecdotes_
edited by Clifton Fadiman and Andrι Bernard [2000 ed.]

^

-

At this point the immigrants' only concern was
to get off Ellis Island. All of them looked in relief
for the door that was marked 'Push to New York.'
And they pushed.

Now, after another ferry ride, they set foot on the
earth of the land that was paved with gold. I once
asked a successful but unfailingly cynical immigrant
if the reality hadn't meant a shattering disillusion.
'But there *was* gold,' he said, 'to us. There were
markets groaning with food and clothes. There
were streetcars all over town. You could watch the
automobiles. There was no military on horseback
and no whips. The neighbors were out in the open,
trading and shouting, enjoying free fights. And to
a boy like me it was a ball, a friendship club.'

--Alistair Cooke [Alfred Cooke] (1908—2004)
British-born American broadcater and journalist.
_America_ [1973]


But in the wake of the immigrant flood ...
paupers became shopkeepers, and the sons
and daughters of peasants bound for centuries
to slivers of poor soil turned into clerks and
nurses and accountants and school teachers
and druggists and cab drivers and lawyers
and doctors. Looking back on those sheepish
legions, we should not pretend that they were
ever rollicking characters in a musical comedy.
But we should not forget, either, the millions
who struggled for a decent and tidy life, and
made it, and still do.
--Alistair Cooke [Alfred Cooke] (1908—2004)
British-born American broadcater and journalist.
_America_ [1973]

-

"How U.S. Immigration Evolved
As the Nation Grew and Changed"
By Cynthia Crossen
_The Wall Street Journal_ [9 January 2006]

In the beginning, America — vast, raw and sparsely populated — needed every immigrant it could get.

When King George III tried to stem an exodus of his subjects to the New World in the 18th century, the colonists furiously accused him of trying to "prevent the population of these states." At the 1787 Constitutional Convention, James Madison declared, "That part of America that has encouraged [immigrants] has advanced most rapidly in population, agriculture and the arts." Well into the 19th century, American employers paid the passage of Europeans who were willing to come to America to work.

Not until 1882, more than two centuries after the first European immigrants set foot in America, did the federal government take immigration policy away from individual states, passing a general law to filter the nation's borders. Even then, only a few classes of "undesirables" were excluded: lunatics, convicts and idiots.

But in the early 20th century, when hundreds of thousands of people were immigrating each year (in the peak year of 1914, 1.2 million immigrants sought admittance), the nation stopped seeming quite so roomy. Cities were overflowing with poor, unskilled refugees whose cheap labor was believed to be undercutting wages for everyone else. Many Americans, known as nativists, decided the rising tide of immigration must be slowed, if not stopped.

"The myth of the melting pot has been discredited," declared Albert Johnson, a Republican representative from Washington State who led the fight in Congress to close America's borders. "The day of unalloyed welcome to all peoples, the day of indiscriminate acceptance of all races, has definitely ended."

In 1917 Congress overrode President Woodrow Wilson's veto and decreed that prospective immigrants would have to pass a literacy test. When that test barred fewer than 1,600 people from entering the U.S. the following year, legislators began considering other ways to discourage immigration.

Their solution was two pronged: They would drastically lower the ceiling on total immigration, to about 180,000 a year. And the available slots would be allocated by a quota system based on a single fact: Where had each aspiring immigrant been born?

Under the so-called national origins system, created first on an "emergency" basis in 1921 and renewed in a more restrictive form in 1924, the U.S. census would count the number of foreign-born immigrants already in the U.S. and determine how many came from each country. Thereafter, 2% of the total of each nationality would be admitted annually. (The 1924 law fixed no quotas for immigrants from New World countries, including Canada and Mexico, whose seasonal laborers were crucial to the nation's farmers.)

To compute the number of people of each nationality living in the U.S., however, Congress used a little sleight of hand. Instead of utilizing the 1920, 1910 or 1900 censuses, it reached all the way back to the 1890 census to create its quota baselines.

Why turn the clock back more than 30 years to establish current policy? Because before 1890, most immigrants came from northern and western Europe, including Britain, Scandinavia and Germany. Between 1890 and 1920, many more immigrants sailed from southern and eastern European countries like Italy, Poland and Greece. And in 1924, wrote Roger Daniels in his 1990 history of immigration, "Coming to America," the U.S. was deeply split between "an old-stock, Protestant, small-town and rural America and an immigrant-stock, Catholic and big-city America."

Harvard University Prof. Robert DeCourcy Ward described the nativist position in a 1922 article in Scientific Monthly magazine: "If we want the American race to continue to be predominantly Anglo-Saxon-Germanic, of the same stock as that which originally settled the United States…; if we want our future immigration to be chiefly of more kindred peoples… easily assimilable, literate, of a high-grade intelligence, then the simplest way to accomplish this purpose is to base the percentage limitation upon an earlier census than that of 1910… before southern and eastern Europe had become the controlling element in our immigration."

In 1921, about 220,000 Italian-born men, women and children immigrated to the U.S.; in 1925, about 6,000 were allowed to enter the country. In 1921, some 33,000 people came to the U.S. from eastern Europe (Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey); in 1925, fewer than 1,600 were admitted. The law had achieved exactly what it had set out to do: "America would be a nation ethnically frozen in time," as Ellis Cose wrote in his 1992 book, "A Nation of Strangers." National origin quotas would govern immigration policy for four decades before being abolished in 1965.

Immigration remains a contentious issue in the U.S. today, as people from every part of the globe try to enter the country, legally and illegally, to enjoy America's opportunities and freedoms. When Chicago Mayor William Thompson was challenged in a 1931 election by a second-generation Czech immigrant, he called his opponent, Anton Cermak, a "pushcart Tony." "It's true I didn't come over on the Mayflower," Mr. Cermak replied, "but I came over as soon as I could."

-

I watched a small man with thick calluses on both hands work fifteen
and sixteen hours a day. I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms
of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak
the language, who taught me all I needed to know about faith and hard
work by the simple eloquence of his example. I learned about our kind
of democracy from my father. I learned about our obligation to each
other from him and from my mother. They asked only for a chance to
work and to make the world better for their children and they asked
to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to
protect themselves. This nation and this nation's government did that
for them.
--Mario Cuomo (b. 1932)
American lawyer and politician.
In the keynote address at the Democratic National Convention [16 July 1984].

The observation concerning the Importation of
Germans in too great Numbers into Pennsylvania
is, I believe, a very just one. This will in a few years
become a German Colony; Instead of their Learning
our Language, we must learn theirs, or live as in a
foreign Country. Already the English begin to quit
particular Neighborhoods surrounded by Dutch
... the Dutch under-live, and are thereby enabled
to under-work and under-sell the English, who are
thereby extremely incommoded, and consequently
disgusted, so that there can be no cordial affection
or Unity between the two Nations. How good
subjects they may make, and how faithful to the
British interest, is a Question worth considering.
--Benjamin Franklin (1706—1790)
American politician, inventor, and scientist.
Letter to Mr. Parker [20 March 1751].

^^

The immigration law of 1903 sounded the new themes; it contained a
long list of undesirables, who were not to be let in the door: "idiots,
insane persons, epileptics, persons who have been insane within five
years previous," or had had "two or more attacks of insanity at any
time previously." Prostitutes were excluded, along with "paupers;
persons likely to become a public charge; professional beggars;
persons afflicted with a loathesome or ... dangerous contagious
disease," persons convicted of any crime "involving moral
turpitude." Polygamists were also definitely unwelcome, and
so were "anarchists," and those who "believe in or advocate the
overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United
States." This was an ominous move: the first time the immigration
laws had contained a political test for admission. The act specified
that people who did not "believe in organized government" had no
right to be naturalized. The law also forbade importing contract
labor, except for actors, artists, singers, ministers of the gospel,
professors, members of "any recognized learned profession," or
"personal or domestic servants." Still, the act made clear that the
United States no longer wanted masses of foreign bodies, masses
of foreign workers.

The march of legislation continued. In 1907 "imbeciles, and feeble-
minded persons" were added to the list; and those whose mental or
physical condition was such that they might become a burden on the
welfare system, in the opinion of the examining doctor. Now, too, it
was not only actual polygamists for whom the door was shut, but
even "persons who admit their belief in polygamy." Not that hordes
of polygamists were knocking at the doors; but here once again,
ideology or belief was the basis for exclusion — a fateful note.

The Immigration Act of 1917 established an "Asiatic barred zone";
it covered essentially all of south Asia, including India, Burma, what
is now Malaysia and Indonesia, and the Pacific islands. The countries
were not named, but were defined in terms of latitude and longitude.

[...]

In 1921 Congress passed an emergency immigration act. It limited
immigration to 3 percent of the "number of foreign-born" persons of
each nationality living in the United States as of 1910. Asians were
still barred. The Western Hemisphere was not subject to the ceiling.
The statute aimed at keeping immigration down to about 350,000 a
year, with most of the spots reserved for people from northern Europe.
Then came the crucial immigration law of 1924. This was an outright
rejection of the melting-pot idea. It put a cap on the numbers of
immigrants, and made sure they would come from the right places.
The statute continued the idea of national quotas, fixed in terms of
the 1890 census: if 2 percent of the people who lived in the United
States in 1890 hailed from Italy, then Italy would get 2 percent of the
quota of immigrants. Why 1890? That was before the biggest flow
of huddled masses from southern and eastern Europe. Under the
1924 act, more than two-thirds of the immigration spots were
reserved for immigrants from Germany, Great Britain, and Ireland.
About 17,000 Greeks had been entering the country each year; the
1924 act gave Greece a quota of exactly 307. Italians had been
flocking to the United States more than 150,000 a year; their quota
was now 5,802.

Not everybody, to be sure, approved of this demographic game.
Industrialists did not think cheap imported labor was a bad idea,
even if the unions did. Immigrant groups opposed the law, and many
of them were bona fide voters. In the debates in Congress, Fiorella
La Guardia, the "little flower," later to become a charismatic mayor
of New York City, denounced the law, speaking out eloquently
against it and in praise of his constituents, who were Italian, Jewish,
and the like. But the law had the majority behind it, and it went into
effect.

It was basically a law about Europe and Asia. Somewhat surprisingly,
it did not apply at all to immigrants from Canada, Mexico, Cuba, Haiti,
the Dominican Republic, and any "independent country of Central or
South America." As far as the law was concerned, the whole population
of Guatemala or Nicaragua could simply travel north and settle down
in the United States. This was certainly not because of any great love
for the natives of these countries. Truly impoverished, truly traditional
people do not emigrate. Hence Bolivia was not a problem; and Italy
was.

One country of Latin America did call for special treatment. Bolivia was
far away; Mexico was on our doorstep. And Mexicans were here already.
The United States had inherited quite a few when it won the Mexican War
and annexed about a third of Mexico's land mass. The borderlands were
mostly barren desert, inhospitable, even dangerous. Yet people moved
freely across the border; Mexican laborers, for example, left home to
sweat away in the mines of Arizona. By about 1910 there was a substantial
railroad net in Mexico; now it was fairly easy for Mexicans from the central
plateau to reach the Rio Grande. Mexicans came on the railroads, and they
also worked on the railroads. Nine Western railroads in 1929 employed
more than twenty-two thousand Mexican workers-almost 60 percent of
their force of laborers.

Then things changed. Irrigation made the desert bloom — not with flowers
but with crops. The Imperial Valley of California, the Salt River Valley in
Arizona, and the valley of the Rio Grande turned into tremendous factories
of food. The stoop labor was heavily Mexican. Revolution, hunger, and
general instability drove thousands of Mexicans from their homelands, into
the arms of agribusiness. The growers welcomed these Mexicans; they were
better than whites at this work, the growers felt: whites, as one businessman
put it, were "entirely unfitted for labor which requires bending, crouching,
or elasticity." The "oriental" and the "Mexican," because of their "crouching
and bending habits," could adapt to conditions which no white man could
tolerate.

The growers and the railroads wanted Mexican immigration. Not everybody
sympathized. There was no Mexican quota; but there were restrictions — if
the law of 1917 barred illiterate Hungarians, it barred illiterate Mexicans as
well. This rule alone would have prevented the entry of many poor Mexicans.
Yet they came, illegally; or were smuggled across the border. In 1925 Congress
created a Border Patrol; by 1928 there were more than seven hundred patrol
inspectors on the Mexican border, fighting smugglers and illegal aliens. And
from 1928 on, consular officials began to deny visas to most Mexicans who
wanted to enter the United States — on the grounds of illiteracy, or as
"LPCS" — that is, liable to become a public charge.

--Lawrence M. Friedman (b. 1930)
_American Law in the 20th Century_ [2002],
ch. 5 "Race Relations and Civil Liberties" pp. 128-30

^^

Once I thought to write a history of the immigrants
in America. Then I discoved that the immigrants
*were* American history.
--Oscar Handlin (b. 1915)
American historian and educator.
_The Uprooted_ [1951], winner of the 1952 Pulitzer Prize for History.

-

I looked up at Nye,
And he gazed upon me;
And he rose with a sigh,
And said, "Can this be?
We are ruined by Chinese cheap labor,"
And he went for that heathen Chinee.
--[Francis] Bret Harte (1836—1902)
American author.
"Plain Language from Truthful James"

& note:

Hereafter no State court or court of the
United States shall admit Chinese to
citizenship.
--Chinese Exclusion Act, Section 14 [6 May 1882]

-

As the New England characteristics are gradually
superseded by those of other races, other forms of
belief, and other associations, the time may come
when a New Englander will feel more as if he were
among his own people in London than in one of our
seaboard cities.
--Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr. (1809—1894)
American physician, poet, and essayist.
_One Hundred Days in Europe_ [1888] pp. 310-13.

^

If you were a member of Congress, would you
vote 'yes' or 'no' on a bill to open the doors of
the United States to a large number of European
refugees than are now admitted under our
immigration quotas?

No: 83.0%
Yes: 8.7%
Don't Know: 8.3%

--a 1938 _Fortune_ magazine poll,
in Peter Jennings and Todd Brewster _The Century_, p. 206 [1998].

^

I have stood near Castle Garden and seen races of
far greater peril to us than the Irish. I have seen the
Hungarians and the Italians and the Poles. I have
seen these poor wretches trooping out, wretches
physically, wretches morally, and stood there almost
trembling for my country, and said, what shall we do
if this keeps on?
--Rev. E. J. Johnson
_Baptist Congress Proceedings_ [1888] pp. 83-84, in M.J. Cohan and John Major
(eds.) _History in Quotations_ [2004] pp. 638-9. Cohan & Major note:
Castle Garden, on Ellis Island in New York harbor, served as America's immigration
depot from 1855 to 1890, when it was superseded by the Ellis Island reception
center, in business until 1954.

John Quincy Adams ... [wrote] in his diary on April 24, 1819:
'In the midst of peace and partial prosperity we are approaching
a crisis which will shake the Union to its center.' The news of
trouble reached Europe too late to affect the 1819 sailings, so
tens of thousands of immigrants continued to arrive, to fiind no
work and rising hostility.
--Paul Johnson (b. 1928)
British historian.
_A History of the American People_ [1997]

-

Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me:
I lift my lamp beside the golden door.
--Emma Lazarus (1849—1887)
American poet.
"The New Colossus" [1883]

Let us have done with British-Americans and Irish-Americans
and German-Americans, and so on, and all be Americans. ...
If a man is going to be an American at all let him be so without
any qualifying adjectives; and if he is going to be something
else, let him drop the word American from his personal
description.
--Henry Cabot Lodge Sr. (1850—1924)
Republican U.S. senator [1893—1924].
The Day We Celebrate (Forefathers' Day), address, New
England Society of Brooklyn [21 December 1888].

To be overrun by the diverse races of Europe is
doubtless evil enough, but whether Celt, Teutonic
or Anglo-Saxon, confraternity, if impossible, is at
least approachable. But even the Dutchman and
the Irishman would join in the national horror with
which the prospective inundation of oriental
barbarism threatens our country.
--Humphrey Marshall (1812—1872)
American politician.
In M.J. Cohan and John Major (eds.) _History in Quotations_, p. 583 [2004].
Cohan & Major note: In the 1850s Chinese coolie labor began entering the
United States in significant numbers, mostly to work on railway construction.

Settled by the people of all nations, all nations
may claim her for their own. You cannot spill a
drop of American blood without spilling the blood
of the whole world ... We are not a nation, so
much as a world.
--Herman Melville (1819—1891)
American novelist and poet.
_Redburn: His First Voyage_ [1849]

[Contrasting the immigration of the 1830s with
that in the time of Jefferson's presidency:]
*Then* our accessions by immigration were real
accessions of strength from the ranks of the learned
and the good, from the enlightened mechanic
and artisan, and intelligent husbandman. *Now*
immigration is an accession of weakness, from the
ignorant and the vicious, or the priest-ridden slaves
of Ireland and Germany, or the outcast tenants of
the poorhouses and prisons of Europe ... They are
transported in thousands, nay, *in hundreds of
thousands*, to our shores, to our loss and Europe's
gain.
--Samuel F. B. Morse (1791—1872)
American painter and inventor who developed an electric telegraph.
_Imminent Dangers to the Free Institutions of the United
States through Foreign Immigration_, pp.23-9 [1835].

The worst part of the refuse class which is ... thrown
upon our shores, here clan together and remain in
the city nor can they be persuaded to leave it. These
mostly consist of imbecile and thriftless parish
paupers and dependants, the former inmates of poor-
houses and even of prisons, who being unwilling or
unable to gain an honest subsistence anywhere, have
been sent here, in order to rid the country from which
they came of their support, and who become a burden
and a nuisance from the moment of their arrival. Many
of them are afflicted with pestilential diseases, more
or less developed, which, as they wander about in
search of shelter, are disseminated through the city
to the manifest detriment of public health, and to
the destruction of life.
--Annual Report, New York Association for
Improving the condition of the Poor, pp. 32-3 [1852].

For what are we not indebted to foreign emigration,
since we are all Europeans or their descendants?
We cannot travel on one of our steamboats
without remembering that Robert Fulton was the
son of an Irishman. We cannot walk by St Paul's
churchyard without seeing the monuments which
admiration and gratitude have erected to Emmet
and Montgomery. Who of the thousands who every
summer pass up and down our great thoroughfare,
the North River, fails to catch at least a passing
glimpse of the column erected to the memory of
Kosciusko? I cannot forget that only last night a
portion of our citizens celebrated with joyous
festivities the birthday of the son of Irish emigrants,
I mean the Hero of New Orleans!
--Thomas L. Nichols
_Lecture on Immigration and Right of Naturalization_, p. 24 [1845],
in M.J. Cohan and John Major (eds.) _History in Quotations_, p. 582 [2004].
Cohan & Major add: Fulton put his first steamboat on the Hudson in 1807.
Emmet and Montgomery were Irish patriots; Kosciusko, the Polish nationalist,
fought for the United States in the War of Independence. The Hero of New
Orleans, Andrew Jackson, had defeated the British at New Orleans on 8 Jan.
1815.

O! ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose not only the tyranny
but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the Old World is overrun
with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asian,
and Africa have long expelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger
and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive
and prepare in time an asylun for mankind.
--Thomas Paine [spelled Pane prior to 1774] (1737—1809)
English-American writer and political pamphleteer.
_Common Sense_ [1776]

Bringing with them slavery, concubinage, prostitution,
the opium vice, the disease of leprosy, the offensive
and defensive organization of clans and guilds, the
lowest standard of living known, and a detestation of
the people with whom they live and with whom they
will not even leave their bones when dead, they form
a community within a city and there live the Chinese
life.
--Senator George C. Perkins of California [1906];
in Harvey Wish _Society and Thought in Modern America_, p. 233 [1962 edn.].
(George Clement Perkins (1839—1923) American politician; governor
of California [1880-1883]; U.S. Senator [1893-1915].)

[On unrestricted immigration:]
As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding. Like the
Roman, I seem to see 'the River Tiber foaming with
much blood.'
--Enoch Powell (1912—1998)
English politician.
Speech in Birmingham, England [20 April 1968].

They come to France to make money, but the moment
a fight is on, they hide behind the first tree. There are
so many in the army because the Jew likes to parade
around in fancy uniforms. Every country chases them
out, there is a reason for that, and we must never allow
them to occupy such a position in France.
--Pierre Auguste Renoir (1841—1919)
French painter.
[15 January 1898]; quoted by fellow artist Edouard Manet in _Journal_ p. 148.

We ought to change the sign on the Statue of Liberty
to read, 'This time around send us your rich.'
--Felix Rohatyn (b. 1928)
Austrian-born American businessman.
Felix Rohatyn was a governor of the New York Stock Exchange, Chairman
of the New York Municipal Authority, and US Ambassador to France.
Quoted in "Newsweek" [1978].

Every immigrant who comes here should be
required within five years to learn English or
leave the country.
--Theodore Roosevelt (1858—1919)
American Republican statesman and President [1901—1909].
In an article in "Kansas City Star" [27 April 1918].

No Alexander or Caesar in the height of their conquests, ever
made such acquisitions of power as immigration brings to us ...
Those who are against the cause of their country ... contend
that immigrations brings with it destitution, poverty and crime.
Trace these bands of strong-limbed but poor foreigners until
they plant themselves upon the hitherto useless land of the
West, and see how wealth is evolved by their very contact
with the soil. They were poor, and the fertile land was
valueless, but combine these two kinds of poverty and the
wealth which alchemists dreamed of, is the magical result.
--Horatio Seymour (1810—1886)
American politician; governor of New York State, [1852-54] & [1863-65].
In Rush Welter _The Mind of America 1820—1860_, p. 324 [1975].

My opinion, with respect to emigration, is, that,
except of useful Mechanics and some particular
descriptions of men or professions, there is no
need of encouragement: while the policy or
advantage of its taking place in a body (I mean
the settling of them in a body) may be much
questioned; for, by so doing, they retain the
Language, habits and principles (good or bad)
which they bring with them. Whereas by an
intermixture with our people, they, or their
descendants, get assimilated to our customs,
measures and laws: in a word, soon become
one people.
--George Washington (1732—1799)
American general and commander-in-chief of the colonial armies in the
American Revolution [1775-83] and first president of the U.S. [1789-97].
In a letter to John Adams [15 November 1794].

From all over the world, the Children of Israel are
flocking to this country, and plans are on foot to
move them from Europe en masse ... to empty upon
our shores the very scum and dross of the Parasite
Race.
--Thomas Edward Watson (1856—1922)
American politician.
_Watson's Magazine_ v. 2I [1915] p.296.

-

We heartily approve all legitimate efforts to prevent
the United States from being used as the dumping
ground for the known criminals and professional
paupers of Europe.
--Platform plank of the Democratic Party [1892]

-

Immigration is the sincerest form of flattery.
--anon.
Quoted in _South Pacific Bulletin_ vol 9 & 10 [1920].

-

[Native American watching the first white men disembark from ships:]
"There goes the neighborhood."
--Caption for _New Yorker_ cartoon.

-----

expatriate (verb) [eks-'pey-tree-eyt]
To leave one's native land and live elsewhere;
to renounce allegiance to one's native land.




IMMORALITY

.
.

[QUOTES FOLLOW LINKS]

see:

BETRAYAL

CRUELTY

DECEPTION

DISHONESTY

EVIL

HATRED

INHUMANITY

LIES/LIARS/LYING

MURDER

OBSCENITY

PLAGIARISM

PORNOGRAPHY

SIN

STEALING

THIEVES

TREACHERY

VICE

VILLAINS

WICKED

WRONG

---

An immoral nation invites its own ruin.
--Dwight D. Eisenhower (1890—1969),
American Army General, supreme Allied commander WWII,
NATO commander, American President [1953—1961].
"Some Thoughts on the Presidency" in _Reader's Digest_ [November 1968].

The morality of those who are having a better time.
--H.L. (Henry Louis) Mencken (1880—1956)
American journalist and literary critic.
_A Book of Burlesques_, ch. 11 [1916]

She's the kind of girl who climbed the
ladder of success, wrong by wrong.
--Mae West (1893—1980)
American stage and film actress.
Speaking of her character, Tira, in the 1933 movie "I'm No Angel."

She's been on more laps than a napkin.
--Walter Winchell (1897—1972)
American journalist.
Quoted in Gerald Nachman
_Raised on Radio_, p. 415 "Meet The Press" [1998].

All the things I really like to do are either
immoral, illegal, or fattening.
--Alexander Woollcott (1887—1943)
American dramatic and literary critic.
Quoted in "Reader's Digest" [December 1933].

-----

abase (verb) [κ-'beys]
To lower in rank, value, esteem, or prestige.

profligate [PROF-luh-guht; -gayt], adjective:
1. Openly and shamelessly immoral; dissipated; dissolute.
2. Recklessly wasteful.
Synonyms: abandoned, corrupt, depraved, dissolute, wicked.

turpitude (noun)
Extreme immorality or wickedness.

wanton [WON-tn], adjective;
1. Reckless, heartless, or malicious; without reason or excuse.
2. Not moral; lewd, lascivious.


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